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of American consciousness for several decades is not a function or reflection
of fear and paranoia only.
CONSPIRACY THEORY AND DISAFFECTION
Upon examining the ways that conspiracy theory has been represented
since the tragedy of September 11, it is clear that the concept has changed
since its use during the Cold War. In popular culture forms (such as film and
television) and in the realm of mainstream American politics, the proliferation
of conspiracy theory that came about with the emergence of the Cold War
was almost always associated with the fear and anxieties of those times. With
the seeming political paranoia of the McCarthy era, the connections between
conspiracy theory and the broader political environment became unmistak-
ably clear. For a long time thereafter, standard interpretations of conspiracy
theory, as a cultural phenomenon, continued to stress that it was largely the
manifestation of this underlying mood.
Critics of conspiracy theory often complain of its potentially damaging and
corrosive influences on society. One scholarly view is that  social scientists
scorn conspiracy theory big time. Likewise, they scoff at the conspiracy
politics in popular films. 9 Another scholar suggested,  The greatest danger
we face in taking the risks of conspiracy theory seriously is a divisive, society
wide paranoia. 10 Comments such as these probably represent the mainstream
of academic thinking about conspiracy theory as something that is detached
from reality and that represents an interpretation of world events that is highly
unlikely, and sometimes absurd.
170 Conspiracy Theory in Film, Television, and Politics
A common view, then, is that the spread of conspiracy theory is detrimental
because it could cause the public to become paranoid, fearful, or some similar
state. But this idea is based on assumptions that may no longer be accurate.
If the record of conspiracy theory in the popular cultural media of film and
television is any indication, over recent decades the concept has often drifted
quite far from its Cold War-era fear-and-paranoia origins.
Indeed, while conspiracy theory with such underpinnings has occasion-
ally resurfaced, in recent decades conspiracy theory often appears to have
different underpinnings. It is disaffection, not paranoia, which appears most
prominently. Instead of an expression of fear, this disaffection suggests vary-
ing degrees of alienation from some aspects of contemporary life.
PARANOIA, CYNICISM, AND DISAFFECTION
As found in American popular and political cultures since the late 1940s,
the conspiracy theory theme has passed through at least three evolutionary
stages. At first, the theme emerged from the paranoia, fear, and anxiety that
are so often mentioned. The external threat of the Soviet Union and the
prospect of nuclear annihilation found expression in a vein of conspiracy the-
ory that represented this widespread interpretation of the world. On screen,
this articulation of conspiracy theory can be found in Big Jim McLain, In-
vasion of the Body Snatchers, The Manchurian Candidate, or any of a host of
other movies in which the theme was represented.
A second stage of evolution saw the conspiracy theory theme transform
from an expression of fear and paranoia to one that reflected cynicism. This
came about as the focus of conspiracy theory changed from a foreign, external
threat to one that was a domestic, internal threat. The enemy was no longer
from the outside; it came from the inside. And with this change in focus, the
underpinning of fear and paranoia was slowly replaced by one of increasing
cynicism.
The film Seven Days in May foreshadowed some of this change with its
story of a government takeover plot originating in the Pentagon. The threat
was relocated to within the American system, but the film did not exude the
degree of cynicism that would be found a decade later. In the end, the system
works and can mostly be trusted. By the mid-1970s, a film such as All the
President s Men, which repeated the true story of Watergate, more overtly
reflected the cynical streak that had become a regular feature of American
politics. The film showed that the government or some of it, anyway
could be very untrustworthy, but at the same time showed that Americans
institutions, in this case the news media, were still reliable. Later in 1970s,
the fictional narrative of Capricorn One went much further in portraying a
conspiracy theory based on cynicism. Its story showed government agencies
that would engage in massive public deception and resort to the use of
unwarranted deadly force in order to maintain the secrecy of its scheme.
Here, though the news media has not lost all of its luster, it is easily fooled
Belief and Disbelief 171
and does not, for most of the film, seem up to the task of shining a light on
the true inner workings of a government that could veer into conspiratorial
actions.
During the 1980s, conspiratorial thinking became more overtly directed
at the heart of American institutions, which were frequently shown as un-
trustworthy, ineffective, occasionally criminal, and prone to covering up their
misdeeds. The theme was widely scattered across a wide array of screen pro-
ductions. It appeared prominently in movies as varied as Rambo, Silkwood,
and Close Encounters of the Third Kind.
By the 1990s, the cultural representation of conspiracy theory reflected [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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